Explained : How Women Are Quietly Transforming Assam Politics and Its Impact

Zabitah Resha

Assam’s political history traces back to various mobilizations, from language-based movements to student-led agitations such as the Assam Andolan, which witnessed massive participation from the youth, students, and women of the state. This has produced a society that is not only politically aware but also deeply observant. Women in the Assamese community have not been detached from political processes; on the contrary, they have embedded themselves within them through community discussions, household talks, and local networks over time.

Almost a Decade of Participation: A New Trend

The electoral data over the last decade clearly indicates the deepening of women’s participation in Assam. After the 2016 Assam Assembly elections, a historic record was set. The state recorded one of the highest voter turnouts at 84.72%. Again, in 2021, despite pandemic disruptions, the voter turnout was nearly 82% as per official records. The most significant aspect was not just the aggregate turnout but also the gender composition within it.

Nearly 49.35% of the electorate in 2021 were women, making them an almost equal and dominant force in many constituencies. The Sentinel India reports that female voters outnumber males in 76 constituencies, which will shape the 2026 election. Even at the national level, there is a new trend where women voters outnumber men in many constituencies, reducing the gender gap. In such a scenario, Assam is not an exception and stands out as a more pronounced example of this shift.

Feminization of Electoral Citizenship: Women-Centric Schemes

One of the driving forces behind such large participation of women voters has been the introduction of various schemes that directly target women beneficiaries.

Prominent initiatives such as the Orunodoi Scheme have changed the fundamental connection between the state and women citizens. The scheme directly transfers an amount of around Rs 1,250 to the women beneficiary’s bank account. Recently, on March 10, 2026, the Assam government announced a historic one-time transfer of Rs 9,000 to approximately 40 lakh beneficiaries, citing it as a special Bihu bonus.

Similarly, other schemes like Nijut Moina, which focuses on girls’ education and stopping child marriage, provide monthly financial support of Rs 1,000 to Higher Secondary girls, Rs 1,250 to undergraduate students, and Rs 2,500 to postgraduates. Such schemes do have a social impact, as higher education can lead to a delay in marriage to some extent. Another prominent scheme called Lakhpati Baideo focuses on income generation and aims to create lakhpati women entrepreneurs. These schemes help to establish a strong narrative where women are not just seen as beneficiaries but as earners.

There are other targeted schemes as well, but these are among the most prominent and are household names in Assam.

Female Visibility in Public Life: A Common Practice

There is no doubt that women-centric welfare schemes have played the role of a catalyst in bringing women out on voting day. Assamese society has always been characterized as a community where female visibility has been relatively higher compared to other parts of the country. Women’s participation in household decisions, agriculture, markets, and job sectors has been relatively visible and has historically contributed to this functional autonomy, even within patriarchal barriers.

This is one reason why women’s participation in recent election campaigns has been high across different party lines.

Gendered Freedom in Voting: A Social Observation

Even though patriarchal norms and practices have been part of society and continue to shape social life, voting in the state has been relatively less constrained compared to many parts of the country. Any assessment of women’s electoral participation in Assam must go beyond numerical indicators to evaluate the social conditions that shape political behavior. Historically, Assamese society has exhibited a relatively higher degree of female visibility in public life, including participation in art, music, local markets, educational spaces, agriculture, job sectors, and political gatherings, which can be termed functional agency.

Moreover, within the household, such patterns do not exclude women from decision-making processes. They are often active participants in discussions, including those related to household and social relations, and everyday governance. However, such participation should not be taken as a synonym for equality.

At the same time, the role of men within this dynamic is equally significant. In many contexts across the state, there appears to be a relative absence of overt coercion, especially when it comes to women’s voting choices. This contrasts with many other regions where electoral choices are tightly controlled by male family members and heavily influenced by them. In many cases, women are expected to exercise their voting rights according to their own preferences.

The absence of visible pressure, along with social conditioning, community expectations, and shared political narratives, shapes decision-making among Assamese women in subtle ways. Another crucial factor is their public visibility, which has a gradual yet long-term impact in expanding women’s participation in the political sphere. This visibility eventually translates into participation in political rallies, campaigns, and grassroots mobilization.

Paradox of Participation without Representation

Even with such a significant rise in participation, a critical gap remains in representation as electoral candidates. Women voters may be central to electoral outcomes, yet they remain marginal in legislative representation. The 2021 election outcomes show that only 6 women are MLAs out of 126 total members, amounting to roughly 4.7% representation.

The upcoming Assam Legislative Assembly election in 2026 has been making headlines. Major political parties like the Bharatiya Janata Party, which released a list of nearly 88 candidates, fielded only around 5 women candidates, which is roughly 6 percent, reflecting very low representation of women as candidates. On the other hand, the Indian National Congress announced five lists comprising around 101 candidates, among whom approximately 11 to 13 were women, slightly higher but still very low in representation.

This disparity highlights a paradox in Assam’s electoral landscape. Even at the national level, the introduction of the Nari Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam, which proposes 33 percent reservation for women in legislative bodies and is to be implemented from 2029, has not yet translated into proactive steps by political parties to promote more women in the political domain.

Conclusion

The current political landscape of Assam is compelling yet incomplete in the context of women’s empowerment, where political representation remains a key factor. The low number of women candidates, along with the persistence of existing patterns in the Legislative Assembly, reflects deeper structural barriers within political institutions.

Ultimately, Assam can, for now, be seen as a case that underscores a larger democratic paradox, where women are empowered as voters but not yet equally as leaders.

Zabitah Resha is a current PhD Scholar, specializing in gender, politics, and society. She has worked as a Former Guest Faculty and also worked as a Project Officer with a national-level organisation, Women Power Connect, based in New Delhi, with a focus on women’s empowerment and policy advocacy. Her work centres on advancing women’s political participation and gender equality, and she was awarded by Veterans India, Nari Shakti Empowerment Wing, on International Women’s Day, 2024, for her dedication to social empowerment.