Explained : How RSS mobilised tribal communities through Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram and Its Impact

“The Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram was primarily formed to counter the conversion of tribal communities to Christianity.”

That blunt assessment lies at the heart of the debate over the RSS’s engagement with India’s tribal communities. As the RSS marks its centenary year, questions about how the Sangh Parivar has mobilised, organised and politically engaged tribal societies have gained renewed attention. The Federal spoke to political scientist Dr Kamal Nayan Chaubey, author of Adivasis or Vanvasis: Tribal India and the Politics of Hindutva, about the ideological framing, political strategies and evolving agenda of the RSS’s tribal outreach organisation, the Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram.

Vanvasi, Adivasi or Janjati — why has the RSS preferred the term Vanvasi?

When we think about the term Adivasi, which is widely used in everyday language, it essentially means someone who has lived on the land from the beginning — the son or daughter of the soil. Some people even prefer the term Moolvasi. In tribal politics, however, Adivasi has become the most accepted term.

For the RSS and the Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram, the meaning of Adivasi is problematic. They are open to using the term Janjati or Scheduled Tribes, but they are reluctant to use Adivasi. Their argument is that everyone who lives in India is an Adivasi. When they say this, they add certain conditions — for instance, they argue that people who have converted to other religions are not part of this identity. But those who identify as Hindus, they say, are part of the land and therefore Adivasis.

Their claim is that when one particular group says only they are Adivasis, it isolates them from the so-called mainstream. Instead, they emphasise that if all Hindus are Adivasis, then those living in forests can be described as Vanvasis — forest dwellers — and therefore part of Hindu society. For them, the term Vanvasi is more attractive because it helps assert that forest-dwelling communities belong to the broader Hindu fold.

Their slogan reflects this idea: “Tum aur main ek rakt” — you and I share the same blood. It is a message from those living outside forest areas to those living in forests: that we share the same history and must move forward together.

Regarding the second part of your question about why there has been so little study of the Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram, the earlier academic understanding was quite simplistic. During my PhD work on tribal forest land rights in India, the prevailing view in academia was that the RSS’s work in tribal areas simply aimed to turn them into Hindus. Researchers assumed there was nothing more to study.

I believe that assumption discouraged deeper research. Later, I realised there were many layers to the organisation’s work that required closer examination.

Is the term Vanvasi problematic because of the cultural connotations of the word “jungle”?

For the Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram and its activists, the term is seen as positive. They often refer to stories from the Ramayana to argue that forest dwellers played a crucial role in helping Lord Ram. In that sense, they portray Vanvasis as integral to Hindu civilisation.

At the same time, their work is not about keeping people confined to forests. They establish hostels in various parts of the country and promote education among tribal communities.

Of course, many organisations have criticised the term. Interestingly, when politicians from the BJP address tribal communities, they usually use the term Adivasi. Even Prime Minister, Narendra Modi — himself a former RSS pracharak — often uses the term Adivasi in his speeches.

You will not find Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram leaders criticising him for that. In fact, before the 2024 election, when the prime minister launched a major scheme for tribal welfare — the Pradhan Mantri Janman Yojana — the title included both the terms Janjati and Adivasi. The message was clear: politically, they are willing to use the term Adivasi.

So philosophically the organisation may object to the term, but in practical politics the larger Sangh Parivar does not insist on it.

Was the formation of the Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram in 1952 driven by concerns over Christian missionary activity among tribal communities?

Yes, that was the primary reason. The organisation was founded by Ramakant Deshpande, who was associated with the RSS and influenced by MS Golwalkar.

At the same time, he received encouragement from some leaders of the Congress party as well. For instance, Ravi Shankar Shukla, the chief minister at that time, was concerned about slogans such as “Jai Jharkhand” that he encountered during visits to tribal areas around 1948–49.

There were two concerns among Congress leaders. One was the fear that Christian conversions might eventually lead to demands for a separate Christian state, similar to the earlier demand for Pakistan. The second concern was cultural — Shukla himself was a Hindu and did not appreciate the increasing conversions of tribal communities.

Deshpande was given a government post in Jashpur. After about two years he resigned and soon after established the Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram in the same region. Conversion to Christianity was the central issue behind its formation.

He began setting up schools in Jashpur, often close to missionary schools. One of the criteria for appointing teachers, according to accounts from that period, was that they should be capable of physically resisting missionaries if necessary. That was the kind of atmosphere in which the organisation began its work.

Are tribal communities traditionally Hindu, or have they been ‘Hinduised’ over time?

I would say there are broadly three categories among tribal communities. One section has converted to Christianity. Another follows their own traditional beliefs, with their own deities, rituals and cultural practices. The third group has come under the influence of Hinduism and often identifies as Hindu.

In that sense, one could say they have been Hinduised. But this is not only the result of the Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram’s work. The process began centuries earlier through long civilisational contact with caste-based societies.

Some sociologists, such as GS Ghurye, even described tribes as “backward Hindus”. The Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram drew inspiration from such ideas and emphasised the notion that tribes were part of the Hindu fold.

When communities demand a Sarna religious code, they usually say they are neither Christian nor Hindu and want an independent identity. The concern for the Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram, especially in Jharkhand, is that many tribal communities already have strong cultural connections with Hindu practices. If a Sarna code is recognised, they believe it could weaken Hindu unity among tribes and make conversions easier for missionaries. That is why they oppose it.

If tribals are seen as part of Hindu society, where do they fit within the caste system?

They do not fit into the traditional chaturvarna structure of Brahmin, Kshatriya, Vaishya and Shudra. Tribal communities have their own identities — for example, Santali or Gond.

The Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram generally respects and promotes these identities. They emphasise traditional knowledge systems and cultural heritage while also promoting Hindu ideals and deities in a dialectical manner within tribal life.

What were the main activities of the Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram in its early decades?

Initially, they focused on education and health services in tribal areas. They established schools specifically for tribal children, separate from the Saraswati Shishu Mandir network.

Another major activity was what they called Shraddha Jagran — essentially awakening devotion or faith. In practice, this meant spreading Hindu religious values in tribal areas. Activities included organising readings of the Ramcharitmanas, distributing religious literature, and conducting yajnas.

They also organised pilgrimages. For example, with the support of the Maharaja of Jashpur, some tribal people were taken to the Kumbh Mela in Prayag. Figures such as Hanuman Prasad Poddar of the Gita Press also visited these regions.

Until the mid-1970s these activities were limited to pockets of Jharkhand, present-day Chhattisgarh and Odisha. After a key meeting in 1978 attended by then RSS chief Balasaheb Deoras and Ramakant Deshpande, the organisation decided to expand its work to new areas, including the North-East.

How did the organisation adapt to new political and social issues such as forest rights?

One important feature of the Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram is its openness to emerging issues in tribal areas. Initially, many of these issues — such as development and forest rights — were raised by Left-leaning organisations.

But the Ashram’s leadership recognised their importance and began supporting the proper implementation of laws such as PESA and the Forest Rights Act. In fact, they supported the enactment of the Forest Rights Act in 2006.

Later, after the Narendra Modi government came to power, they even opposed certain amendments that they believed weakened the Act. In 2015 they produced a vision document that strongly supported tribal rights.

When I read that document, I found it difficult to distinguish it from the vision statements of some Left-leaning tribal organisations.

Did the Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram play a role in the rise of the BJP during the religious mobilisation of the 1980s?

Yes, to some extent. The organisation supported the Ram Mandir movement and attempted to mobilise tribal support. For instance, they tried to bring leaders like Rani Gaidinliu from the North-East into the movement.

In some accounts — including those recorded by scholar Nandini Sundar — tribal participants later claimed they had taken part in the demolition of the Babri Masjid.

In tribal areas, the organisation raised two major issues. One was the demand for delisting, meaning that Scheduled Tribe individuals who converted to Christianity or Islam should lose reservation benefits. The second issue was religious conversion.

However, the Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram generally tried to avoid direct involvement in controversial campaigns. Instead, separate organisations handled those activities. For example, the Janjati Suraksha Manch raised the delisting demand, and Dharma Jagran Manch carried out reconversion campaigns. Many leaders of these organisations were closely linked with the Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram.

How far has the organisation helped the BJP electorally in tribal regions?

When I asked senior activists about elections, they insisted that the organisation does not support any political party. They say they simply pursue their agenda and whichever party supports that agenda will gain the goodwill created by their work.

But in reality, they do play a role in candidate selection. It may not be the case that they can decide who receives a ticket, but their opinion carries weight — especially if they oppose a particular candidate.

Even so, they have not been able to deliver the entire tribal vote bank to the BJP. In states such as Jharkhand, parties like the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha remain strong.

Still, the BJP now receives a significant share of tribal votes — often around 25 to 35 per cent in several regions. That indicates the influence of organisations like the Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram, though they are not the only factor. Tribal politics remains diverse, and new political forces continue to emerge.

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